By Brian Egloff
The 3,000-year-old Ambum Stone, from Papua New Guinea, is the point of interest of numerous archaeological tales. The stone itself is a fascinating artifact, an incredible piece of paintings background that tells us whatever concerning the historical Papuans. The stone can be on the heart of controversies over the provenance and possession of historical artifacts, because it used to be excavated at the island of latest Guinea, transferred overseas, and offered at the antiquities industry. In telling the tale of the Ambum Stone, Brian Egloff increases questions on what should be realized from historic artistic endeavors, approximately cultural estate and the possession of the previous, in regards to the advanced and from time to time shadowy global of artwork buyers and creditors, and concerning the position historical artifacts can play in forming the identities of contemporary peoples.
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Extra resources for Bones of the Ancestors: The Ambum Stone: From the New Guinea Highlands to the Antiquities Market to Australia
International Journal of Cultural Property, 7(1): 283–84. 12. Refer to Fforde, Collecting the Dead; and Jane Hubert. 1989. ), Conflict in the Archaeology of Living Traditions. Routledge, London, 131–66. 13. ). 2006. Who Owns Objects? The Ethics and Politics of Collecting Cultural Artefacts. Oxbow Books, Oxford. 14. Refer to Isabel McBryde. 1985. Introduction. ), Who Owns the Past? Oxford University Press, Oxford, 4–6; David Wilson. 1985. ), Who Owns the Past? 104–6; Timothy Webb. 2002. ), Claiming the Stones, Naming the Bones, 51–96; Anthony Snodgrass.
Waddell estimated that as much as two-thirds of the sweet potatoes are fed to pigs. On the other hand, the possession of pigs increases one’s status and social standing and gives a “big man” the all-important power to negotiate within a potentially explosive social milieu. 4. Recently cultivated sweet potato garden with composted mounds on a steep slope in the vicinity of Wabag. Photograph by the author.
Generally speaking, Papua New Guineans have more than one garden of mixed plants, primarily taro, bananas, and yams, in different stages at any given time. In some locales, the highlanders would most likely have both wetland and dry-land gardens. The wetland gardens would be drained to plant taro, then allowed to flood from time to time and lie fallow to control the beetle population. After some years, the drainage ditches would be cleaned out and the garden replanted in taro and other crops. Digging the ditches and keeping them cleaned out was a labor-intensive task, and the workers would expect a return commensurate with their labor input.