By Igor Dorfman-Lazarev

Face au conflit qui allait en s'aggravant entre les sieges de Constantinople et de Rome en 862, le patriarche Photius se tourna vers l'Armenie pour y chercher un soutien. Il esperait devenir lui-meme facteur d'unite chretienne au second ola reconquete byzantine de l'Est anatolien paraissait imminente. L'auteur demontre que Photius a impression non seulement les family members de Byzance avec l'Occident, mais aussi les debats doctrinaux avec l'Orient. Il discover les assets patristiques de l. a. politique ecclesiastique de Photius afin d'expliquer remark l'attitude de ce patriarche a l'egard des heterodoxes a permis l. a. formula d'un accord aussi singulier que celui de Sirakawan. l. a. traduction commentee des files armeniens concernant ce concile et l. a. controverse qui le suivit est basee sur une nouvelle collation de manuscrits et accompagnee d'un lexique extensif. L'analyse du langage process developpe par les auteurs armeniens lors de los angeles domination arabe permet d'exposer remark evoluait l'articulation de l. a. doctrine de l'Incarnation depuis les grandes controverses de l'epoque de Justinien. L'interpretation de ces textes et de leurs resources represente l. a. most well known etude systematique de l. a. christologie armenienne. Les divergences dogmatiques entre les Armeniens et les Byzantins sont mises en relation avec les differents criteres de l'orthodoxie soutenus par les deux Eglises.

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26 27 INTRODUCTION 11 We must, however, realise that the compositions that have come down to us are not, as they stand, the raw reactions to the events of 586 BCE. 29 There is no doubt that the survivors of the catastrophe will have reacted immediately with horror and grief. Many expressions of misery, affliction and sad reflections will have escaped the lips of these people who now struggled to come to terms with the loss of their city, their temple, their family and their way of life. These utterances—and there would be a multitude and a growing number of them—would be shared and repeated to such an extent that, when the community of survivors came to remember and to commemorate the calamity of 586, the now familiar phrases and vocabulary would be employed by those (the poets) who gave voice to the feelings of the people.

25). This passage reads: ‘Jeremiah also uttered a lament for Josiah, and all the singing men and singing women have spoken of Josiah in their laments to this day. They made these a custom in Israel; they are recorded in the Laments (twOnyQih)' ’. After Josephus (Ant. 1) refers to the death of Josiah, he says, ‘But all the people mourned greatly for him, lamenting and grieving on his account many days; and Jeremiah the prophet composed an elegy to lament him, which is extant till this time also’.

Blaney’s 1784 commentary is entitled The Lamentations of Jeremiah, and in the introduction the author does not feel the need to discuss authorship. ) thinks that Jeremiah wrote only chs. 2 and 4, while Ewald (326) rejects Jeremian authorship entirely and attributes the book to ‘Barûkh oder ein anderer’. It would seem, therefore, that the first questioning of Jeremian authorship—by von der Hardt (1712, [7])—had, to some extent, fallen on deaf ears or had not been taken seriously, in that a full century had elapsed before the question was raised 8 INTRODUCTION 5 declares ‘…I know not how the conclusion can be escaped, that Jeremiah could not have written the Lamentations’.

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